share in it, is still laying measures to meet the danger: the collective security pact, and the military guarantee that followed it, embodied in the Joint Defense Council, and in

the formation of a national guard — all this, in addition to general armament, is intended to meet force with force. And the Arab states are capable, as I believe, of winning the victory; for what is said of their military weakness relative to Israel is exaggerated, just as what is said of Israel's strength is exaggerated too.

If the Arabs were granted a period of ten years of continuous

preparation, Egypt alone, or Iraq by itself, would each be capable of recovering Palestine by force, despite Israel's great preparedness.

This is a matter which that aggressor state realizes and seeks to avoid; and for that reason she is careful not to leave the Arab states sufficient respite for armament and stability.

It was therefore incumbent upon the Arab states, forced as they are against their will into entering the war, to meet force with force and aggression with aggression. If they gave real proof of this readiness, they would be able to keep the peace, making the states concerned

in the matter intervene in earnest to curb Israel's aggression, in order to safeguard the peace they prize. The Emperor Wilhelm II, King of Germany, once said: "I was able to preserve peace for a long period thanks to my readiness for war."

Q — It appears, Ustad, that you are confident of the Arabs' strength relative to Israel. That is well. But are you confident of the unity of the Arabs' word?

— Yes. Israel's persistent aggres-sion, and her certain danger to the Arab lands — even to Mecca and Medina — has turned the Arab countries into a volcano seething to wipe out the shame and take revenge. But the point of weakness that appeared in the Palestine war still lies latent in

their ranks to this day: they were formerly capable of erasing the Zionist dream when the Palestine war broke out, but what stood

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